Collonges-la-Rouge is not the most politicized village. 1918 did their BA by sending the "pipes: as proof, the crowded lists of monuments to the dead.
In the nineteenth century and will give a communist minister to François Mitterrand, Marcel Rigout. Even the countryside is on the left: socialism (SFIO, then PCF) is the son of misery and the guerrilla movement.
If some have, in Vienna has long reworked and worked shoes and porcelain barricades. In 1870, they proclaimed a insurrectionary commune, as a coincidence if the CGT was born there, in 1895? What if the city unleashed, in 1905, the most violent strike of the new century?
1939-1945. During these Soviet years to do battle with the Germans. Even if Limoges was, after Lyon, the second city in France in terms of the number of dead resistance (de Gaulle called it "the capital of the maquis"), the bulk of the hostilities were provided by the rural guerrillas. Innumerable stelae bristle this wild region, which the Germans nicknamed “Little Russia”.
It was one of the centers of reci, the communist Georges Guingouin. The latter had known how FéLéde-Noblat took in "suspects": Kahnweiler, Leiris, Queneau ... and even Gainsbourg, a teenager. Important clarification: Guingouin (who held Che) was the only member of the PC to have been made Companion of the Liberation! No wonder the Party subsequently did everything to debunk him and shamefully succeeded in doing so.
Until 1942, local resistance was mostly content with some sabotage and distribution of leaflets. Pétain's visit in July 1942 to Tulle, Brive and Ussel was seen as an unspeakable provocation. Immediately, the Limousin resistance became one of the most active and pugnacious in France.
In 1945, in any case, the resistance fighters had their ears pulled to surrender their weapons. It is said that quite a few peasants stuffed their rifle or submachine gun in a bag and buried it under oaks and chestnuts (just in case!).
Cette The party's tradition of indemoscoutaire was precisely ... Limousin.
The end of Chiraquie
It will take a little time to realize the importance of this May 6, 2012, which saw for the second time in the history of the Fifth Republic a socialist president being elected, a man who forged his destiny while during these 30 years of political life spent largely in Corrèze.
Francois Hollande, the discreet young man with glasses, appeared in the wake of François Mitterrand in 1981, had come up against, over the years, Jacques Chirac. A mythical figure of the country, who had succeeded in converting the red Corrèze to what was called here Chiraquism, in 1995, a trend confirmed in 2002 by the presidential election.
Even after his retirement from politics, at the turn of the second decade of the new century, Chirac remained one of the favorite men of the French, and of course the Corréziens. A situation that continued until the day when the father seemed to embrace this strange son that fate had put in his hands, from fair to market, from platform to more or less official celebration.